Coronavirus – as viewed by Constitutionally Canadian

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Image by Thanasis Papazacharias from Pixabay

The coronavirus crisis in Canada

Like so many other countries around the world, Canada has been rocked by the coronavirus or more specifically CoVID19 virus. Only a short time ago, Canadians thought that this virus was a problem that affected other countries, not ours. That perception is long gone.

We are now under a state of emergency. By and large, we work from home – if we can work at all. We practise “social distancing”, a phrase that most of us had never heard back in February of this year. The provinces and territories have issued public health orders, restricting our movement, our social interactions, our businesses, our way of life. The federal government has limited the ability of people to enter and leave the country. Massive spending programs, the likes of which we have not seen since the last World War, are being unleashed. Unemployment greater than anything experienced since the Great Depression is expected.

All of these changes have occurred in weeks, sometimes days, and huge pressures have been exerted on our federation, on our democracy, on our governance. Our constitutional framework is being tested and we have only just begun. Here are some of the constitutional issues that I think are coming to the fore as a result of the coronavirus outbreak:

Charter of Rights issues

The orders of the different orders of governments clearly are having an effect on the mobility rights of Canadians and the permanent residents of Canada. Prior to the coronavirus outbreak, the ability to enter or leave Canada was the unquestioned right of a Canadian citizen, protected by s. 6 of the Charter. Now that right is subjected to significant restrictions, of a level and nature not normally seen in peacetime.

Not only is the right to enter and leave the country being affected, but so too is the right to travel between provinces. While the restrictions on this right (also protected by s. 6) are less dramatic or pronounced, they do exist and some provinces, including my own, British Columbia, are actively advocating that residents of other provinces do not come across our provincial borders.

Intra-provincial mobility is being restricted in different provinces. This right to move freely that descended from the rights of freemen to move without restrictions from the nobility is being clamped down now in an attempt to limit the spread of the contagion. Constitutional protection of this right is now found in s. 7 of the Charter. 

Mobility rights are not the only rights being affected. Many of the fundamental freedoms are directly impacted by the measures. Today is Passover, a sacred Jewish holiday. This weekend is Easter, one of the most celebrated Christian holidays. Earlier last month was Nowruz, a Persian religious holiday. All of these religious holidays are normally celebrated collectively. Under the public health orders, such collective gatherings are banned. Accordingly, the fundamental freedoms of religion, association and peaceful assembly are affected.

In all of these instances, the question must be posed whether the measures adopted to combat the coronavirus outbreak are proportionate and justifiable given the limits they impose on such constitutional rights and freedoms.

Canadian federalism

Just a few months ago, the Canadian federation was being rocked by protests, with railways and ports being shut down. The provinces were blaming each other and the federal government. Indigenous nations were seeking a meaningful voice.  The coronavirus has changed the focus.

Today, we are witnessing huge investments in time, money and human resources in fighting the coronavirus, limiting its spread, “flattening the curve”, understanding it, and developing a vaccine or treatment for it. As well, gigantic plans are being created for supporting the Canadian population when so many are out of work and for bringing our economy back to life after the virus is brought under control.

Although these are early days, the provinces and the federal government appear to be working together. Things are just being done. Legal frameworks are being erected quickly. The normal care regarding constitutional jurisdiction is, most likely, not being exerted. As we progress through what will likely be months of battle against this virus, the question will be whether jurisdictional limits have been exceeded. It will also be whether this apparent exercise in cooperative federalism will continue and whether it may serve to shape future constitutional debates.

Another issue that will have to be resurrected will be whether the Indigenous Nations of Canada have been overlooked. That whole issue of Indigenous jurisdiction and Indigenous law which was at the forefront of our political and constitutional debate back in January has not gone away. But it would seem that the niceties of that debate have been pushed to the side as the federal, provincial and territorial governments deal with the immediacy of the crisis. So, how will we return to deal with that issue in the aftermath of CoVID19?

Parliamentary democracy

Just this Monday, Prime Minister Trudeau announced that the government was actively looking at whether Parliament could sit virtually.  If a virtual Parliament came to fruition, that could be a fundamental constitutional development and one that might survive the coronavirus outbreak.

There are already critics of such a proposal.  Adam Wherry wrote an op-ed today in which he suggested that Parliament requires that the members get to know each other, work together and interact with each other. He has good points. That being said, a virtual Parliament may make it easier for parliamentarians of the more remote or distant parts of the country to maintain better contact with their constituents and yet still participate in the parliamentary debates and committees.

I suspect that there would need to be a number of small “c” constitutional amendments in order to make this virtual Parliament a true and lasting reality. But it should be explored and not just for this crisis.

I hope to revisit these and other constitutional issues being raised by the coronavirus over the next few weeks. I invite you to reach out to me by commenting on this post, to suggest topics for discussion, and to provide alternate perspectives.

I remain

Constitutionally yours

Arthur Grant

Post script

It has been almost two years since I did my last blog post. I had just been recovering from significant surgery (bilateral hip replacement) and I was focused on that. As well, my work levels exploded, a happy situation I suppose.

I can report that, not only did I recover from my hip surgery but I exceeded everyone’s expectations, including my own. I returned to my passion, rowing, and competed both in 2018 and 2019. If the coronavirus permits, I will be rowing and competing again this year and for as long into the future as my health and circumstances permit.

Work is still busy but I think that I have found ways to tame it.  I have some great people working with me and they make it all possible.

So the long and short of it all is that I hope to be doing a lot more of Constitutionally Canadian. You will probably find that I will be making more of an emphasis on the issue of Indigenous jurisdiction, Indigenous governance and Indigenous laws. I think that these present some of the biggest constitutional issues that our country will face and I aspire to make a contribution towards an understanding of them and, with luck, towards a resolution and lasting reconciliation.

AG

Trinity Western University v. The law societies – an update as to where things stand

TWU law

For those of you who follow this issue, the current score is 2 to 1 for Trinity Western University as against the Law Societies. TWU has won two of the three trial court decisions – namely, those in British Columbia and Nova Scotia. It lost its inaugural round in Ontario. All three decisions are being appealed. As we all know, this one is going all the way to the Big House.

Where do things stand right now in the three provinces?
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BC Supreme Court quashes Law Society’s decision not to accredit Trinity Western University’s law school: Trinity Western University v. Law Society of British Columbia, 2015 BCSC 2326

TWU law

Today Chief Justice Hinkson quashed the decision of the Benchers of the Law Society of British Columbia to submit the question as to whether to accredit Trinity Western University’s proposed law school or not to a referendum of the members after previously having decided to accredit the proposed law school. He found that the Benchers’ later decision was improper, was an improper fettering of the Benchers’ discretion and did not involve a proper balancing of the Charter interests as had been done by the Benchers in their earlier decision. He restored their earlier decision to accredit the proposed law school. His ruling can be found at Trinity Western University v. Law Society of British Columbia, 2015 BCSC 2326.  I will not go through the legal analysis in this post, at least not today. I will say, however, that this is obviously yet just one more step in the multi-province, multi-action process that will eventually culminate in the Supreme Court of Canada having to review its earlier decision in Trinity Western University v. British Columbia College of Teachers, 2001 SCC 31.

I remain

Constitutionally yours

 

Arthur Grant

The niqab can stay – Canada (Citizenship and Immigration) v. Ishaq, 2015 FCA 194

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On September 15, 2015, the Federal Court of Appeal issued a short ruling from the bench in the appeal of Zunera Ishaq’s case respecting the Department of Citizenship and Immigration’s policy that requires women who wear a niqab to unveil in order to take the oath of citizenship. In Canada (Citizenship and Immigration) v. Ishaq, 2015 FCA 194, Madam Justice Mary Gleason rendered a short six paragraph oral set of reasons, issued in this manner so that Ms. Ishaq might still be able to take the oath of citizenship and vote in the upcoming election.
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Secularism and the Canadian State – Where do we go from here? Mouvement Laique Quebecois v. Saguenay (City), 2015 SCC 16

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The Supreme Court of Canada recently pronounced on the appropriateness of a municipal council insisting on a prayer before holding its meetings. In Mouvement Laique Quebecois v. Saguenuay (City), 2015 SCC 16, Justice Gascon for the majority (Abella J dissenting on the question of the variable test for judicial review of administrative tribunals) held that City of Saguenay’s bylaw which provided for the use of such a prayer, even if it did not derive from any particular denomination, nonetheless offended the freedom of religion of atheists and agnostics (the freedom not to believe) and was therefore inoperative.

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Nova Scotia Supreme Court slams Barristers’ Society for its decision on Trinity Western University Law School

TWU
(Photograph from trunews.com)

Last week, Justice Jamie Campbell of the Nova Scotia Supreme Court delivered a scathing indictment of the decision of the Nova Scotia Barristers’ Society (the “Society”) to recognize law degrees for the proposed law school at Trinity Western University (“TWU”) only if TWU changes its “community covenant” against sex outside the confines of a legal marriage between a man and woman. The focus of the Society’s concerns is that the Community Covenant would have the effect of discriminating against members of the LGBT community. His judgment (Trinity Western University v. Nova Scotia Barristers’ Society, 2015 NSSC 25) is the first of what will no doubt be a series of judicial pronouncements on the various provincial law societies’ decision to accredit or not to accredit TWU’s proposed law school. Challenges in British Columbia and Ontario are also well on their way to being heard. Yet again, the collision between equality rights and freedom of religion finds itself on the center stage of Canada’s judicial arenas. The last time this issue went to the Supreme Court of Canada was in 2001 in yet another TWU case, Trinity Western University v. British Columbia College of Teachers, 2001 SCC 31. While the Court held that the Charter was not directly applicable in that case, it did determine that any concerns of the College of Teachers respecting the discriminatory effects against homosexuals were to be subject to the respect for the principles of the religious faith professed by TWU. Justice Campbell does not consider that the time is nigh for that 2001 judicial determination to change.

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